manas: manas

DemocraticInstitutions in Kerala
Kerala State Legislative Assembly has three parallel courses of development in the three regions of the state namely Travancore, Cochin and Malabar until they were merged together on November 1, 1956 to form the State of Kerala. Travancore and Cochin were princely states and Malabar was a district of the neighboring Madras Province that was under British rule. In a way, Kerala’s unique pattern of development is as much a product of its history as it is of its geography. Almost all the present differences between Kerala and the rest of the country in social development can be traced from the pre-independence period. The region as whole was never been a part of the large North Indian or South Indian empires. There were not much hues and cries of big battlesin the region. So the people had to struggle with their internal socio- economic contradictions since the beginning of large human settlements around the early years of the first millennium AD.The location of the region on the Arabian Sea coast permitted trading and cultural relations with outside world. Muziris, the capital city of the Chera Empire situated on the coast and the numerous minor ports attracted traders around the world. These ports developed into centers of trade between the West and the East. Arabs, Jews and Christians came to Kerala in large numbers first as traders and then as settlers. As a result, Kerala a larger proportion of Christians, Muslims and Secularists in the state’s populationThe region was the gateway for European colonisation in India following the landing of Vasco de Gama in Calicut in 1498 AD. The Dutch, the British and the Portuguese tried to conquest the region . However, except Malabar, the British did not directly rule vast other part of Kerala. The great social reform movements led by Sri Narayana Guru and Ayyankali also led to increase awareness not only of social justice but also of political and economic equality. The reforms had emphasised the need for education as a means for social and economic emancipation. The left movement, which organised peasants and workers, also highlighted the need for education. They were instrumental in bringing about the most comprehensive land reform legislation in the state.Travancore was the earliest among the Indian states to establish democratic institutions to associate the people with the administration. On March 30, 1888 a Council established for the purpose of making laws and regulations. The Council had eight members, six officials and two non-officials who were nominated by the Maharaja and presided over by the Dewan. The tenure of the Council was three years. The inaugural meeting of the Council was held on Thursday the 23rd August 1888. The Council’s functions were mainly of advisory natureMeanwhile elites had started demands to have a share in the government of the state. More than ten thousand people including top ranking men of all prominent communities signed a memorandum in 1891 and submitted it to the Maharaja, known as the ”Malayali Memorial”, the complaint was about“ the denial to people the fair share in the government of the country and their systematic exclusion from the higher grades of its services”. It was the beginning of a series of popular agitations, which eventually resulted in the establishment of responsible Government.On March 21, 1898, membership of the Council was raised to 15. The proportion of non-officials was fixed as two fifth of the total. In 1904, bicameral structure was introduced by constituting the Sri Mualm Popular Assembly in addition to the Legislative Council. It was “an assembly of the representatives of the landholders and merchants in the country”. The objective of Assembly was “ to give the people an opportunity of bringing to the notice of government their requirements, wishes or grievances on the one hand, and on the other, to make the policy and measures of Government better known to the people so that all possible grounds of misconception in regard to the actions of the Government may be removed”. According to the order 1904 for constituting the Assembly, the members of the Sri Mulam Popular Assembly were to be selected by the heads of districts, two representatives of the agricultural, trading and industrial interests being chosen from each taluk, from among the landholders who pay on their own account an annual land revenue of not less than Rs.100 and landholders or traders whose net annual income was Rs.6,000 or above.The first meeting of the Sri Mulam Thirunal Popular Assembly was held on October 22, 1904 in the Victoria Jubilee Town Hall, Thiruvananthapuram. The government nominated the members from among the agricultural, trading, industrial and other classes. From the second year onwards the privilege of electing members to the Assembly was extended to some more sections of people. Rules regulating the constitution and conduct of business of the Assembly were issued on May 1, 1905. The total number of members in the Assembly was 100 and the membership was only for a year. Seventy-seven members were elected and the remaining 23 were nominated by the Government to represent different interest groups and communities. Every person who paid on his account an annual land revenue of not less than Rs.50 or whose net income was not less than Rs. 2,000 and every graduate of a recognised University of not less than ten years standing and having his residence in any of the taluks was given the right to vote. In addition to the general constituencies, the municipal councils, the planters associations, the mercantile and trading classes, and the landlords were allowed to elect representatives.The Sri Mulam Thirunal Popular Assembly, though not a lawmaking body, became in course of time a powerful forum for expression of public feelings. Each member was allowed to bring forward two subjects before the Assembly. Representations and agitations repeatedly occurred for the enlargement of the strength, powers and functions of the Legislative Council and for conferring on the Assembly of the right to elect members to the Legislative Council. In 1907 the Assembly was enabled to elect four members to the Legislative Council.The Legislative Council was remodeled in 1919, in order “ to give the people a greater share in the work of administration and to enhance the sphere of usefulness of the Legislative Council by giving the Council a broader basis and larger powers.” The strength of the Council was raised to a maximum of 25. Eight of the eleven non-official seats were open for election, thereby introducing for the first time elected members in the Council. The right to discuss the annual budget and the right to raise interpellations were conceded.In October 1921 the composition and character of the Council underwent further changes. The strength of the council was raised to fifty, of whom 28 were elected and 22 nominated. Among the nominated members, 7 were to be non-officials. Provision was made for a non-official majority in the Council. A Deputy President, not necessarily an official was appointed to preside over the meetings of the Council in the absence of the President, who was the Dewan. The members were given the right to vote on the budget demands subject to certain limitations, to move resolutions on matters of public interest, to ask supplementary questions and to bring motions for adjournment. In 1930, freedom of speech was guaranteed in the Council.On October 28, 1932 Sri Mulam Popular Assembly and the Legislative Council were abolished and new Bicameral Legislative was created on January 1, 1933. The Lower House was called the Sri Mulam Popular Assembly and the Upper House the Sri Chitra State Council. The Assembly consisted of 72 members of whom 27 were non- officials. Of the 72 members of the Assembly, general constituencies elected 43 and 5 from special constituencies and 14 seats in the Assembly were reserved for minority Communities. In the Council, out of the 27 non-official members, 16 members were elected from general territorial constituencies and 6 from special constituencies. The Government nominated five members.The powers, privileges and functions of the Legislature were enhanced. The Dewan was the ex-officio President of both the Houses. The Assembly had to elect Deputy President. The Assembly was given the right to the vote on Demands for Grants and or reduce or to omit any item of the demands. The right of asking supplementary questions extended to all.The Bicameral Legislature continued till September 4, 1947 when the responsible government was established in Travancore. The new Assembly, the Representative Body was functioned as the Constituent Assembly of Travancore. It had 120 members elected on the basis of adult franchise. The Constituent Assembly held its first sitting on March 20, 1948 and A.J.John was elected as its first President. In that meeting the Constituent Assembly expressed the desire to be invested with powers and functions of a Legislative Assembly and to have a ministry responsible to it. In Accordance with that desire the Travancore Interim Constitution Act, was promulgated on March 24, 1948 with provision for a Council of Ministers headed by a Prime Minister. The Council of Ministers was made collectively responsible to the Assembly and the Maharaja became the constitutional head. Pattom Thanu Pillai became the first Prime Minister of Travancore on March 24, 1948,and ruled till October 22, 1948. Parur T.K. Narayanapillai succeeded him.The Legislative Council of KochiThe Legislative Council was formed in Kochi in 1925 with 45 members, in which 30 were elected members. Voting right was given to landlords, estate owners, merchants and businessmen only. Full freedom of opinion was also granted in the council. In 1935 the powers of the Council were increased. In 1932, the strength of the Council was increased to 36 elected members and 18 nominated members. In 1935 four standing Advisory Committees of the Legislative Council were constituted. In 1938,the system of Diarchy was introduced in Cochin.Ambat Sivarama Menon appointed as Minister for Rural Development. The number of Ministers raised to four and more subjects were transferred. The first popular ministry of Cochin consisting of Panampilly Givonda Menon, C.R.Iyyunni, K.Ayyappan and T.K.Nair assumed office on September 9, 1946. On August 14, 1947 the Maharaja of Cochin announced full responsibility to the government. A Council of Ministers with Panampilly Givinda Menon as Prime Minister assumed office on September 1, 1947 Subsequently a Council of Ministers with T.K.Nair as Prime Minister was formed on October 27,1947 and it continued till September 20, 1948. In 1948, Universal Adult Franchise was introduced and Legislative Council was named as Legislative Assembly. After the general elections a popular ministry headed by Ikkanda Warrier was formed on September 20, 1948 and it remained in office till the integration of Travancore and Cochin on July 1, 1949Democratisation in MalabarMalabar region was a district of the Madras Province in the British rule and continued in the Madras State after independence. The Malabar district was being represented in the Madras Legislative Assembly from 1920’s. In the elections to the Madras Legislature held in 1936, almost all the Congress candidates from Malabar were elected. Kongattil Raman Menon served as a minister in the Rajagopalachari Cabinet during 1937-39. In the first general elections to the Legislative Assembly held in 1951, A total of 29 members were represented in the Madras Legislative Assembly.It was in 1800 AD, that the district of Malabar became a part of the Madras presidency. Major McLeod was the first Principal Collector of Malabar. The Pazhassi revolt gave a push to the construction of roads in the interior areas of Malabar. The spices were cultivated and coffee was introducedfirsttimeinWayanad.The contribution of Malabar to the national movement was noteworthy. The Indian National Congress founded in 1885 had its prototypes in Malabar from early days. A District Congress Committee was formed in Malabar in 1908. A branch of All India Home Rule League also started functioning in the district. From 1916 onwards-political conferences were held in Malabar to bring the grievances of the people to the attention of the government. The most important political movement during this period was the Malabar Rebellion. The announcement of Salt Satyagraha made its impact all over Kerala. In 1930, as a part of Satyagraha, several batches of satyagrahis marched to Payyannur to take part in the struggle. Malabar played an important role in the Second Civil Disobedience Movement. In 1934 Congress Socialist Party formed. An extremist group of nationalist Muslims under the leadership of Muhammed Abdurahiman also came into existence during this period. The emergence of Muslim League in the late thirties was an important factor in Malabar politics. The leftists within the Congress party came out as the Communist party in 1939.When the states of the Indian Union were reorganised on linguistic basis, the Malabar District was added on to Travancore – Cochin to form new state of Kerala on November 1, 1956.First Election After IndependenceOn September 4, 1947 the Maharaja of Thiruvithamcore issued a declaration to elect Constituent Assembly in Travancore as a prelude to adult franchise. The election was held in February 1948. Out of the total 120 seats, the Indian National Congress contested 112 and won 97 seats, The Muslim League secured eight, Tamil Nadu Congress 14 and Independent one. The Communist Party contested 17 seats and the K S P eight, but they could not open an account in the house. On March 20, 1948 the Thiruvithamcore Constituent Assembly came into being, the first of its kind formed on the basis of adult franchise in the country.INTEGRATION OF TRAVANCORE AND COCHINTravancore and Cochin were integrated on July 1, 1949. The Maharaja of Travancore became the Head of Travancore –Cochin. The Legislative Assembly was composed of members from the representative bodies of Travancore and Cochin. The ministers of Travancore and Cochin continued in their respective offices. T.M.Varghese was elected as the speaker. The first meeting was held on July 11, 1949.First General Election in the RepublicThe Constitutional Assembly in the Centre introduced the New Constitution and India became a Sovereign Democratic Republic on January 26, 1950. The first general election was held from December 10, 1951 to January 26, 1952. In Thiru-Kochi, out of the 108 seats, Congress got 44 (three uncontested), Socialists 11 (One uncontested), Communists 25, Revolutionary Socialist Party 6, Thiruvithamcore Tamilnadu Congress (TTNC) 8, K S P and Cochin party one each and the Independents 12. The Communist party was then banned in Thiru-Kochi. On 12th March 1952 a six-member ministry was sworn-in with A J John as Chief Minister. Later one representative of the T T N C also induced into the cabinet following the alliance made with Congress. Due to disagreement between Congress and T T N C, which demanded a separate Congress organisation for Tamils, a confidence motion had rejected by the House. The Assembly was dissolved and the ministry continued as Caretaker Government. Though the Congress government continued as a caretaker but, the verdict of the people was against Congress.By-Elections of 1954The second election to the Thiru -Kochi Assembly was held in February 1954. Following delimitation, the number of constituencies rose to 118. The party position was INC-45, T T N C- 12, P S P-19, Communist party-23, R S P-9, K S P-3,and the Independents-6. Though there was an electoral understanding between the Congress and the P S P the latter refused to support the Congress in forming a ministry. It was the first electoral alliance of political parties in India. The Congress extended support to the P S P to form a cabinet. Four-member cabinet of the P S P with Pattom Thanu Pillai as leader came to power. When the Congress withdrew its support to the P S P ministry, it had to resign. In continuation of this Panampilly Menon of Congress became the Chief Minister. His government too had only a short life. Subsequent to the fall of his ministry, presidential rule was imposed in the state in March 1956. FORMATION OF KERALA STATEFORMATION OF KERALA STATEIt was long cherished dream of Malayalees in the region to have a homeland based on their mother tongue. It was President’s rule in Travancore-Cochin, when the decision to re-organise the states on linguistic basis was taken by the Government of India. Some Tamil speaking taluks were separated from Travancore-Cochin and included in Madras State. Malabar and the Kasaragod taluk of South Canara were added on to Travancore-Cochin to constitute the new state of Kerala. The State of Kerala formally came into existence on November1st1956. Elections to The Kerala Legislative Assembly The Kerala Legislative Assembly is the Supreme law making body of the state. In 1956 when the Kerala State was formed, it was under the presidential administration and there was no legislative assembly in the newly formed state. Following the general election the First Kerala Legislative assembly came into existence on 6th March 1957.The assembly is divided into the ruling party (Treasury bench) and the opposition party (opposition bench). The leader of the majority party would be the Chief Minister. The council of ministers headed by the Chief Minister is called the ministry or cabinet. The executive authority of the government is vested with them and they are responsible to the Assembly.The adoption of the Annual Budget and Finance bill is one of the primary responsibilities of the Assembly. It is the constitutional duty of the assembly to open a debate on the budget as soon as the Finance Minister presents it in the Assembly. It may accord its approval to the statement of income and expenditure for the concerned financial year and to the accompanying financial bill. The Assembly is also empowered to sanction supplementary grants whenever necessary. The Assembly is empowered to discuss any matter of importance to the State and adopt resolutions. It can vote for the election of the President of India and elect the Rajya Sabha members.1 Indian Constitution gives the states and union territories significant control over their own government. The legislative assemblies are directly elected bodies set up to carrying out the administration of the government in the states of India. In some states there is a bicameral organisation of legislatures, with both an upper and Lower House. Elections to assemblies are carried out in the same manner as for the Lok Sabha election, with the states and union territoriesas

manas

manasInstitutions in Kerala
Kerala State Legislative Assembly1 has three parallel courses of development in the three regions of the state namely Travancore, Cochin and Malabar until they were merged together on November 1, 1956 to form the State of Kerala. Travancore and Cochin were princely states and Malabar was a district of the neighboring Madras Province that was under British rule.
In a way, Kerala’s unique pattern of development is as much a product of its history as it is of its geography. Almost all the present differences between Kerala and the rest of the country in social development can be traced from the pre-independence period. The region as whole was never been a part of the large North Indian or South Indian empires. There were not much hues and cries of big battlesin the region. So the people had to struggle with their internal socio- economic contradictions since the beginning of large human settlements around the early years of the first millennium AD.
The location of the region on the Arabian Sea coast permitted trading and cultural relations with outside world. Muziris, the capital city of the Chera Empire situated on the coast and the numerous minor ports attracted traders around the world. These ports developed into centers of trade between the West and the East. Arabs, Jews and Christians came to Kerala in large numbers first as traders and then as settlers. As a result, Kerala a larger proportion of Christians, Muslims and Secularists in the state’s population
The region was the gateway for European colonisation in India following the landing of Vasco de Gama in Calicut in 1498 AD. The Dutch, the British and the Portuguese tried to conquest the region . However, except Malabar, the British did not directly rule vast other part of Kerala.
The great social reform movements led by Sri Narayana Guru and Ayyankali also led to increase awareness not only of social justice but also of political and economic equality. The reforms had emphasised the need for education as a means for social and economic emancipation. The left movement, which organised peasants and workers, also highlighted the need for education. They were instrumental in bringing about the most comprehensive land reform legislation in the state.
Travancore was the earliest among the Indian states to establish democratic institutions to associate the people with the administration. On March 30, 1888 a Council established for the purpose of making laws and regulations. The Council had eight members, six officials and two non-officials who were nominated by the Maharaja and presided over by the Dewan. The tenure of the Council was three years. The inaugural meeting of the Council was held on Thursday the 23rd August 1888. The Council’s functions were mainly of advisory nature
Meanwhile elites had started demands to have a share in the government of the state. More than ten thousand people including top ranking men of all prominent communities signed a memorandum in 1891 and submitted it to the Maharaja, known as the ”Malayali Memorial”, the complaint was about“ the denial to people the fair share in the government of the country and their systematic exclusion from the higher grades of its services”. It was the beginning of a series of popular agitations, which eventually resulted in the establishment of responsible Government.
On March 21, 1898, membership of the Council was raised to 15. The proportion of non-officials was fixed as two fifth of the total. In 1904, bicameral structure was introduced by constituting the Sri Mualm Popular Assembly in addition to the Legislative Council. It was “an assembly of the representatives of the landholders and merchants in the country”. The objective of Assembly was “ to give the people an opportunity of bringing to the notice of government their requirements, wishes or grievances on the one hand, and on the other, to make the policy and measures of Government better known to the people so that all possible grounds of misconception in regard to the actions of the Government may be removed
”. According to the order 1904 for constituting the Assembly, the members of the Sri Mulam Popular Assembly were to be selected by the heads of districts, two representatives of the agricultural, trading and industrial interests being chosen from each taluk, from among the landholders who pay on their own account an annual land revenue of not less than Rs.100 and landholders or traders whose net annual income was Rs.6,000 or above.
The first meeting of the Sri Mulam Thirunal Popular Assembly was held on October 22, 1904 in the Victoria Jubilee Town Hall, Thiruvananthapuram. The government nominated the members from among the agricultural, trading, industrial and other classes. From the second year onwards the privilege of electing members to the Assembly was extended to some more sections of people. Rules regulating the constitution and conduct of business of the Assembly were issued on May 1, 1905. The total number of members in the Assembly was 100 and the membership was only for a year. Seventy-seven members were elected and the remaining 23 were nominated by the Government to represent different interest groups and communities. Every person who paid on his account an annual land revenue of not less than Rs.50 or whose net income was not less than Rs. 2,000 and every graduate of a recognised University of not less than ten years standing and having his residence in any of the taluks was given the right to vote. In addition to the general constituencies, the municipal councils, the planters associations, the mercantile and trading classes, and the landlords were allowed to elect representatives.
The Sri Mulam Thirunal Popular Assembly, though not a lawmaking body, became in course of time a powerful forum for expression of public feelings. Each member was allowed to bring forward two subjects before the Assembly. Representations and agitations repeatedly occurred for the enlargement of the strength, powers and functions of the Legislative Council and for conferring on the Assembly of the right to elect members to the Legislative Council. In 1907 the Assembly was enabled to elect four members to the Legislative Council.
The Legislative Council was remodeled in 1919, in order “ to give the people a greater share in the work of administration and to enhance the sphere of usefulness of the Legislative Council by giving the Council a broader basis and larger powers.” The strength of the Council was raised to a maximum of 25. Eight of the eleven non-official seats were open for election, thereby introducing for the first time elected members in the Council. The right to discuss the annual budget and the right to raise interpellations were conceded.
In October 1921 the composition and character of the Council underwent further changes. The strength of the council was raised to fifty, of whom 28 were elected and 22 nominated. Among the nominated members, 7 were to be non-officials. Provision was made for a non-official majority in the Council. A Deputy President, not necessarily an official was appointed to preside over the meetings of the Council in the absence of the President, who was the Dewan. The members were given the right to vote on the budget demands subject to certain limitations, to move resolutions on matters of public interest, to ask supplementary questions and to bring motions for adjournment. In 1930, freedom of speech was guaranteed in the Council.
On October 28, 1932 Sri Mulam Popular Assembly and the Legislative Council were abolished and new Bicameral Legislative was created on January 1, 1933. The Lower House was called the Sri Mulam Popular Assembly and the Upper House the Sri Chitra State Council. The Assembly consisted of 72 members of whom 27 were non- officials. Of the 72 members of the Assembly, general constituencies elected 43 and 5 from special constituencies and 14 seats in the Assembly were reserved for minority Communities. In the Council, out of the 27 non-official members, 16 members were elected from general territorial constituencies and 6 from special constituencies. The Government nominated five members.
The powers, privileges and functions of the Legislature were enhanced. The Dewan was the ex-officio President of both the Houses. The Assembly had to elect Deputy President. The Assembly was given the right to the vote on Demands for Grants and or reduce or to omit any item of the demands. The right of asking supplementary questions extended to all.
The Bicameral Legislature continued till September 4, 1947 when the responsible government was established in Travancore. The new Assembly, the Representative Body was functioned as the Constituent Assembly of Travancore. It had 120 members elected on the basis of adult franchise. The Constituent Assembly held its first sitting on March 20, 1948 and A.J.John was elected as its first President. In that meeting the Constituent Assembly expressed the desire to be invested with powers and functions of a Legislative Assembly and to have a ministry responsible to it. In Accordance with that desire the Travancore Interim Constitution Act, was promulgated on March 24, 1948 with provision for a Council of Ministers headed by a Prime Minister. The Council of Ministers was made collectively responsible to the Assembly and the Maharaja became the constitutional head. Pattom Thanu Pillai became the first Prime Minister of Travancore on March 24, 1948,and ruled till October 22, 1948. Parur T.K. Narayanapillai succeeded him.
The Legislative Council of Kochi
The Legislative Council was formed in Kochi in 1925 with 45 members, in which 30 were elected members. Voting right was given to landlords, estate owners, merchants and businessmen only. Full freedom of opinion was also granted in the council. In 1935 the powers of the Council were increased. In 1932, the strength of the Council was increased to 36 elected members and 18 nominated members. In 1935 four standing Advisory Committees of the Legislative Council were constituted. In 1938,the system of Diarchy was introduced in Cochin.
Ambat Sivarama Menon appointed as Minister for Rural Development. The number of Ministers raised to four and more subjects were transferred. The first popular ministry of Cochin consisting of Panampilly Givonda Menon, C.R.Iyyunni, K.Ayyappan and T.K.Nair assumed office on September 9, 1946. On August 14, 1947 the Maharaja of Cochin announced full responsibility to the government. A Council of Ministers with Panampilly Givinda Menon as Prime Minister assumed office on September 1, 1947 Subsequently a Council of Ministers with T.K.Nair as Prime Minister was formed on October 27,1947 and it continued till September 20, 1948. In 1948, Universal Adult Franchise was introduced and Legislative Council was named as Legislative Assembly. After the general elections a popular ministry headed by Ikkanda Warrier was formed on September 20, 1948 and it remained in office till the integration of Travancore and Cochin on July 1, 1949
Democratisation in Malabar
Malabar region was a district of the Madras Province in the British rule and continued in the Madras State after independence. The Malabar district was being represented in the Madras Legislative Assembly from 1920’s. In the elections to the Madras Legislature held in 1936, almost all the Congress candidates from Malabar were elected. Kongattil Raman Menon served as a minister in the Rajagopalachari Cabinet during 1937-39. In the first general elections to the Legislative Assembly held in 1951, A total of 29 members were represented in the Madras Legislative Assembly.
It was in 1800 AD, that the district of Malabar became a part of the Madras presidency. Major McLeod was the first Principal Collector of Malabar. The Pazhassi revolt gave a push to the construction of roads in the interior areas of Malabar. The spices were cultivated and coffee was introducedfirsttimeinWayanad.The contribution of Malabar to the national movement was noteworthy. The Indian National Congress founded in 1885 had its prototypes in Malabar from early days. A District Congress Committee was formed in Malabar in 1908. A branch of All India Home Rule League also started functioning in the district. From 1916 onwards-political conferences were held in Malabar to bring the grievances of the people to the attention of the government. The most important political movement during this period was the Malabar Rebellion. The announcement of Salt Satyagraha made its impact all over Kerala. In 1930, as a part of Satyagraha, several batches of satyagrahis marched to Payyannur to take part in the struggle. Malabar played an important role in the Second Civil Disobedience Movement. In 1934 Congress Socialist Party formed. An extremist group of nationalist Muslims under the leadership of Muhammed Abdurahiman also came into existence during this period. The emergence of Muslim League in the late thirties was an important factor in Malabar politics. The leftists within the Congress party came out as the Communist party in 1939.When the states of the Indian Union were reorganised on linguistic basis, the Malabar District was added on to Travancore – Cochin to form new state of Kerala on November 1, 1956.
First Election After Independence
On September 4, 1947 the Maharaja of Thiruvithamcore issued a declaration to elect Constituent Assembly in Travancore as a prelude to adult franchise. The election was held in February 1948. Out of the total 120 seats, the Indian National Congress contested 112 and won 97 seats, The Muslim League secured eight, Tamil Nadu Congress 14 and Independent one. The Communist Party contested 17 seats and the K S P eight, but they could not open an account in the house. On March 20, 1948 the Thiruvithamcore Constituent Assembly came into being, the first of its kind formed on the basis of adult franchise in the country.
INTEGRATION OF TRAVANCORE AND COCHIN
Travancore and Cochin were integrated on July 1, 1949. The Maharaja of Travancore became the Head of Travancore –Cochin. The Legislative Assembly was composed of members from the representative bodies of Travancore and Cochin. The ministers of Travancore and Cochin continued in their respective offices. T.M.Varghese was elected as the speaker. The first meeting was held on July 11, 1949.
First General Election in the Republic
The Constitutional Assembly in the Centre introduced the New Constitution and India became a Sovereign Democratic Republic on January 26, 1950. The first general election was held from December 10, 1951 to January 26, 1952. In Thiru-Kochi, out of the 108 seats, Congress got 44 (three uncontested), Socialists 11 (One uncontested), Communists 25, Revolutionary Socialist Party 6, Thiruvithamcore Tamilnadu Congress (TTNC) 8, K S P and Cochin party one each and the Independents 12. The Communist party was then banned in Thiru-Kochi. On 12th March 1952 a six-member ministry was sworn-in with A J John as Chief Minister. Later one representative of the T T N C also induced into the cabinet following the alliance made with Congress. Due to disagreement between Congress and T T N C, which demanded a separate Congress organisation for Tamils, a confidence motion had rejected by the House. The Assembly was dissolved and the ministry continued as Caretaker Government. Though the Congress government continued as a caretaker but, the verdict of the people was against Congress.
By-Elections of 1954
The second election to the Thiru -Kochi Assembly was held in February 1954. Following delimitation, the number of constituencies rose to 118. The party position was INC-45, T T N C- 12, P S P-19, Communist party-23, R S P-9, K S P-3,and the Independents-6. Though there was an electoral understanding between the Congress and the P S P the latter refused to support the Congress in forming a ministry. It was the first electoral alliance of political parties in India. The Congress extended support to the P S P to form a cabinet. Four-member cabinet of the P S P with Pattom Thanu Pillai as leader came to power. When the Congress withdrew its support to the P S P ministry, it had to resign. In continuation of this Panampilly Menon of Congress became the Chief Minister. His government too had only a short life. Subsequent to the fall of his ministry, presidential rule was imposed in the state in March 1956.
FORMATION OF KERALA STATE

FORMATION OF KERALA STATE
It was long cherished dream of Malayalees in the region to have a homeland based on their mother tongue. It was President’s rule in Travancore-Cochin, when the decision to re-organise the states on linguistic basis was taken by the Government of India. Some Tamil speaking taluks were separated from Travancore-Cochin and included in Madras State. Malabar and the Kasaragod taluk of South Canara were added on to Travancore-Cochin to constitute the new state of Kerala. The State of Kerala formally came into existence on November1st1956. Elections to The Kerala Legislative Assembly
The Kerala Legislative Assembly is the Supreme law making body of the state. In 1956 when the Kerala State was formed, it was under the presidential administration and there was no legislative assembly in the newly formed state. Following the general election the First Kerala Legislative assembly came into existence on 6th March 1957.The assembly is divided into the ruling party (Treasury bench) and the opposition party (opposition bench). The leader of the majority party would be the Chief Minister. The council of ministers headed by the Chief Minister is called the ministry or cabinet. The executive authority of the government is vested with them and they are responsible to the Assembly.The adoption of the Annual Budget and Finance bill is one of the primary responsibilities of the Assembly. It is the constitutional duty of the assembly to open a debate on the budget as soon as the Finance Minister presents it in the Assembly. It may accord its approval to the statement of income and expenditure for the concerned financial year and to the accompanying financial bill. The Assembly is also empowered to sanction supplementary grants whenever necessary. The Assembly is empowered to discuss any matter of importance to the State and adopt resolutions. It can vote for the election of the President of India and elect the Rajya Sabha members.
1 Indian Constitution gives the states and union territories significant control over their own government. The legislative assemblies are directly elected bodies set up to carrying out the administration of the government in the states of India. In some states there is a bicameral organisation of legislatures, with both an upper and Lower House. Elections to assemblies are carried out in the same manner as for the Lok Sabha election, with the states and union territories

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SAJO
Will & Verdict
ELECTIONS AND VOTING BEHAVIOUR IN KERALA


FORMATION OF KERALA STATE



It was long cherished dream of Malayalees in the region to have a homeland based on their mother tongue. It was President’s rule in Travancore-Cochin, when the decision to re-organise the states on linguistic basis was taken by the Government of India. Some Tamil speaking taluks were separated from Travancore-Cochin and included in Madras State. Malabar and the Kasaragod taluk of South Canara were added on to Travancore-Cochin to constitute the new state of Kerala. The State of Kerala formally came into existence on November1st1956. Elections to The Kerala Legislative Assembly
The Kerala Legislative Assembly is the Supreme law making body of the state. In 1956 when the Kerala State was formed, it was under the presidential administration and there was no legislative assembly in the newly formed state. Following the general election the First Kerala Legislative assembly came into existence on 6th March 1957.The assembly is divided into the ruling party (Treasury bench) and the opposition party (opposition bench). The leader of the majority party would be the Chief Minister. The council of ministers headed by the Chief Minister is called the ministry or cabinet. The executive authority of the government is vested with them and they are responsible to the Assembly.The adoption of the Annual Budget and Finance bill is one of the primary responsibilities of the Assembly. It is the constitutional duty of the assembly to open a debate on the budget as soon as the Finance Minister presents it in the Assembly. It may accord its approval to the statement of income and expenditure for the concerned financial year and to the accompanying financial bill. The Assembly is also empowered to sanction supplementary grants whenever necessary. The Assembly is empowered to discuss any matter of importance to the State and adopt resolutions. It can vote for the election of the President of India and elect the Rajya Sabha members.

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ELECTORALTURN OUT
Turn out is an important factor in election studies. High turn out figures indicate people’s high interest in elections. In Kerala, turn out in general elections stands very high comparing to other states of India. Both in Parliament and Assembly elections the high turn out tendency continues over the elections and over the constituencies.

Its a notable feature of Kerala elections that, there is no drastic variations in polling over the constituencies and over the elections. In the parliament elections, the state turn out average(72 percent) is much higher than the all India average of (56.57). The Kerala State Assembly election turn out also stands much high comparing to turn out of other states. Kerala’s turn out figures is not particularly high in an international context but somewhat similar to the British poll figures. Crowe1 (1991) places the British figures in the fourteenth out of twenty democratic countries.











Another notable feature of Kerala polling figures is that there is no remarkable difference between men and women in casting their votes. In certain constituencies women’s turn out is much higher than men. In all India, men’s turn out is always stood much higher than the women’s turnout. In terms of valid- invalid votes ratio too, Kerala has had always higher place than the all India average.
























ELECTORAL CHANGES IN KERALA

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WILL&VERDICT
BALLOT EXPERIENCES OF KERALA
Ballot experiences of Kerala have enabled the state to welcome many improvisations in the voting mechanism. Nominations to early Legislative House1 of Kerala that commenced by the close of the nineteenth century were through palace proclamations. By the beginning of the twentieth century the right to nomination was passed over to district heads (divisional peshcars) and they nominated landlords, businessmen, foreign planters and priests.
The Indian Councils Act of 1892 introduced by the British provided limited native repesentation. Emergence of an Indian elite class and their consistent pressure resulted in the implementation of Montague-Chelmsford reforms known as Indian Council Act 1901. The Montague Chelmsford reforms led to the Government of India Act, 1919 and were intended to extend more native support.
This Act introduced bicameralism to the legislature, and an electoral geography was drawn among the rich landlords and taxpayers. In the provinces diarchy was introduced which aimed at responsible governments. The Government of India Act 1919 was not satisfied the will and wish of Indians. After a lot of deliberations the Government of India Act 1935 came into being, which introduced federal and provincial autonomy.Then too, only 15 percent of the adult population could have right to vote in the provincial assembly elections. It had provisions of distribution of power between central and provincial legislatures. The voting right rose to 28.5 percent of adult population in the provincial election of 1946.
The Indian Independence Act, which came into being in 1947, resulted in the amendment of the Government of India Act, 1935. The provincial autonomy that the Indian people fought and won was adopted on 26, November 1949 and it came into force on 26, January 1950. Based on it, a system of universal adult franchise was introduced and subsequently the first general election was held in1952. Most of the former Constituent Assembly members elected to the Parliament. Till now twelve general elections held to the Lok Sabha and eleven elections to the Kerala State Assembly after the formation of the state in 1956.Before that one byelection was held in Thiru-Kochi Legislative Council(1954). It is in 1989 that the voting age lowered to 18 years from 21years.
As Kerala is part of Indian Union, the Constitution provides for a British style parliamentary form of government in a federal union setup that currently consists of twenty-eight states and seven centrally administered Union Territories. The Constitution culminated a process of evolution toward representative government. That process was initiated under the British rule with very limited people’s participation but successively broadened it through representation in elected legislatures. The constitution formally vests almost all executive powers of the government in the President who is the head of the state. The President, however, exercises power with rare exceptions, upon the advice of the Prime Minister, thus the real power rests with the Prime Minister.
An electoral college consisting the elected members of both the Bicameral Parliament and state assemblies elects the President. The Rajaya Sabha or the Houses of the State, consists of members who are elected for a six-year term by an electoral college made up of members of the state legislature assemblies. The lower house, the Lok Sabha or the House of the People is the supreme legislature body comprising of 545 members who are elected directly, except the two non elective members, for a five year term according to single member constituency system, in which the candidate with the maximum tally of votes wins the race . The majority party in the Lok Sabha elects the Prime Minister. The Prime Minister appoints the cabinet.
An analogous structure of government exists in each of the states, it has a Governor, appointed by the President for a five-year term and a popularly elected legislature, which may be bicameral or unicameral and is elected for five years. The leader of the legislature party of majority group or party is elected Chief Minister, who with the cabinet colleagues, are responsible to the legislature, and commands the confidence of a majority of the house. Although the constitution is federal, it returns for strong unitary features, including the ultimate power of the centre to control and take direct administration of the states under the conditions that it deems fit. The overall balance currently rests in favour of parliamentary sovereignty.
Before Independence, different types of voting methods were used in different parts of the country for the limited elections. Those include the marking system in which the polling staff marks the voter’s choice. Later voters were allowed to mark the ballot and put it in the separate boxes for each candidate. In 1931 the Indian Franchise Committee recommended the use of either the colour box system or the symbol system.
For the first general elections in 1952 the Election Commission of India chose the symbol and balloting system but retained the method of keeping different ballot boxes for each symbol. It was only in the third general election in 1962 that the multiple ballot boxes were replaced by single ballot box. This gave much emphasis to secret marking facilities.

In an attempt to improve the accuracy of electoral roll and prevent electoral fraud, the Election Commission of India has recently introduced photo identity cards for voters. In Kerala, issue of voters’ photo identity cards begun in 1996. It’s one’s passport to vote. In 1982,the first experiment with Electronic Voting Machine (EVM) in India was done in the Parur Assembly constituency of Kerala. The indigenous battery-operated system was designed by Indians and was first of its kind in the world.It is very simple to operate.
The EVM retains all the characteristics of voting by ballot papers, while making polling a lot more expedient. Being fast and absolutely reliable, the EVM saves considerable time, money and manpower. It helps maintain total voting secrecy without the use of ballot papers. A total of 34,200 EVMs are now using in the 23001 polling booths of the state now.
India has a constitutional democracy with parliamentary system of government, and at the heart of the system is her commitment to hold regular, free and fair elections. These elections determine the composition of the government, the membership of the two houses of parliament, the state and union territory legislative assemblies, and the Presidency and Vice-Presidency.
Since the time India became independent on August 15, 1947, democratic process of free and fair elections has become routine. One of the biggest democracies in the world, India as per the Constitution is a Socialist, Secular, and Democratic Republic. Elections are held at regular intervals as per the principles enshrined in the constitution. The major laws concerned are Representation of the People Act, 1950, which essentially deals with the preparation and revision of electoral rolls,and the Representation of the People Act, 1951 that takes into account all aspects of conduct of elections and settling of post election disputes.
Upholding the Election Commission,(EC) as the supreme body for conducting the electoral process, the Supreme Court has held that where the enacted laws are silent or make insufficient provision to deal with a given situation in the conduct of elections, the Election Commission has the residuary powers under the Constitution to act in an appropriate manner. Indian elections are indeed huge. General elections on a national scale involve nearly five million polling personnel and civil police forces. This huge election machinery is deemed to be on deputation to the Election Commission and is subject to its control and discipline during the electoral process.
Elections to the Indian Lok Sabha are considered as the largest in the world. The electorate exceeds 600 million in 8,00,000 polling stations spread across the country. As per the Election Commission statistics 2,525,595 ballot boxes were used during General Elections in 1999.
India is a founding member of the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA), Stockholm, Sweden. In the recent past, the Commission has expanded international contacts by way of sharing of experience and expertise in the areas of Electoral Management and Administration, Electoral Laws and Reforms. Election Officials from the national electoral bodies and other delegates from several countries - Russia, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Indonesia, South Africa, Bangladesh, Thailand, Nigeria, Australia and the United States have visited the Commission for a better understanding of the Indian Electoral Process. The Commission has also provided experts and observers for elections to other countries in co-operation with the United Nations and the Commonwealth Secretariat.
ELECTION COMMISSION
Election Commission of India, (ECI or EC) is a permanent Constitutional Body, established in accordance with the Constitution on January 25, 1950. Originally a Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) headed EC. Few years ago, provision was made to co-opt two election commissioners apart from a CEC. For the first time two additional Commissioners were appointed on October 16, 1989 but they held this position very briefly till January 1, 1990. In October 1993 two additional Election Commissioners were appointed to enable multi-member Commission with decision-making power by majority vote. The President appoints the CEC as well as the Election Commissioners.The presnt Election Commission of India consists, Dr.M.S.GILL-Chief ElectionCommissioner,and G.V.G.Krishnamurthy-and Mr. J.M. Lynogdoh - Election Commissioners.
The Former Chief Election Commissioners are- Sukumar Sen ( 21 March 1950 to 19December1958),KVK Sundaram(20 December 1958 to30September1967),SP Sen Verma (1 October1967to30September1972),Dr Nagendra Singh(1 October 1972 to 6 February1973),T.Swaminathan(7February1973to17June1977),SL Shakdhar( 18 June 1977to17 June1982),RKTrivedi(18June1982to31December1985)RVS Peri Sastri1 January 1986to25 November1990),V.S.Ramadevi(26November1990to11December1990),T.N.Seshan(12, December 1990 to 11 December 1996)

v Registration with Election Commission.
Political parties have to be registered with the Election Commission. The Commission determines whether the party is structured and committed to principles of democracy, secularism and socialism in accordance with the Indian Constitution and would uphold the sovereignty, unity and integrity of India. Parties are expected to hold organisational elections and have a written constitution. The Anti-defection law, passed in 1985, prevents MPs or MLAs elected as candidates from one party forming or joining a new party, unless they comprise more than one-third of the original party in the legislature.
According to certain criteria, set by the Election Commission regarding the length of political activity and success in elections, parties are categorised by the Commission as National or State parties, or simply declared registered-unrecognised parties. How a party is classified determines a party’s right to certain privileges, such as access to electoral rolls and provision of time for political broadcasts on the state-owned television and radio stations and also the important question of the allocation of the party symbol. National parties are given a symbol that is for their exclusive use, throughout the country. State parties have the sole use of a symbol in the state in which they are recognised as registered-unrecognized parties can choose a symbol from a selection of ‘free’ symbols.

Limit on poll expenses
There are tight legal limits on the amount of money a candidate can spend during the election campaign. In most Lok Sabha constituencies the limit as recently amended in December 1997 is Rs 15,00,000/-, although in some states the limit is Rs. 6,00,000/- For Assembly elections the highest limit is Rs. 6,00,000/-, the lowest Rs 3,00,000/-. Although supporters of a candidate can spend as much as they like to help out with a campaign, they have to get written permission of the candidate, and whilst parties are allowed to spend as much money on campaigns as they want, recent Supreme Court judgments have said that, unless a political party can specifically account for money spent during the campaign, it will consider any activities as being funded by the candidates and counting towards their election expenses. The accountability imposed on the candidates and parties has curtailed some of the extravagant campaigning that was previously a part of Indian elections.


1 Travancore Legislative Council

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WILL&VERDICT
OPINION POLLS AND PSEPHOLOGY
In order to bring as much transparency as possible to the electoral process, the media are encouraged and provided with facilities to cover elections, although subject to maintaining the secrecy of the vote. Media persons are given special passes to enter polling stations to cover the poll process and the counting halls during the actual counting of votes. Media are also free to conduct Opinion Polls and Exit Polls.1 By a recent set of guidelines issued, the Election Commission has stipulated that the results of Opinion Polls cannot be published between two days before the start of polling and after the close of poll in any of the constituencies. Results of Exit Polls can only be published or made otherwise known only after half an hour of the end of polling hours on the last day of voting. However, Opinion Polls are not necessarily right always.
In Opinion Polls the terms ‘right’ and ‘wrong’ are really insufficient to explain how accurate they were. An Opinion Poll might be wrong in naming the winner, yet be within one percent of true division of votes between the winner and runner up. In 1991 during Kerala assembly elections, the results were close to the PASC – Kalakaumudi# Poll in predicting the division of votes between two major political fronts-LDF and UDF- but went wrong in choosing the winner2 . During 1996, Assembly elections Mathrubhoomi,one of the leading Malayalam newspapers ,conducted an Opinion Poll3 by administering the responses from the readers. Despite the brilliant analysis the poll findings were nowhere near the division of votes or seats. Moreover it picked the wrong winner.
The outcome of Kerala elections might be determined by the difference of an extremely small number of votes, but a big difference of seats. By citing the failed predictions a section of the media reaffirmed their belief that the survey machinery has not reached, and probably never would reach the degree of accuracy necessary to forecast the outcome an election, which is decided by fewer votes than the margin of error under which a typical survey operates. For any election survey the margin of error averages around two per cent.
An important learning for the survey researchers from the past experience is that an accurate prediction of a Kerala election is a near impossible task; whether it is in terms votes or seats. The reason for this is plain. Mere five to ten votes in a polling booth could change the results of 10 to 20 of the total 140 seats in the Kerala Assembly. Measuring political sentiments of this level is a challenge indeed; but opinion researchers achieved this feat in 1987 during the Kerala assembly elections. PASC-KALA KAUMUDI poll prediction was very close to the election results, not only in seats but in terms of popular votes also.Opinion polls have been successful in forecasting election results in majority of cases. Notable failures were also there in the forecasts. In Britain, all the poll forecasts in 1992 elections reported Labor victory but owing to the last swing the Conservatives won. India Today - MARG opinion polls, in most cases were close to the mark in predicting the winner seats in the national elections in India, however, went wrong in the state elections of North India in 1994. The MARG poll also went wrong in predicting the region wise results in 1996 general elections; but surprisingly the all India figures came close to the results.
In most cases the major Opinion Polls did not show large deviations from the actual division of votes but nevertheless picked the wrong winner. Predicting elections will always be chancy because of the possibility of last minute swings, turn out problems, voter’s empathy to the looser, and an understanding among the trailing parties after the opinion poll . Just as it can be said with certainty that opinion polls will be highly accurate in the vast majority of elections, so with the same certainty it can be said that on occasions they can go wrong. But when they go wrong, they still should be reasonably close to the truth, if the best practices are followed.
In Kerala with her multiparty coalition structure, it is not easy to forecast the seats and percentage of votes to individual coalition partners. This is because the link between votes and seats are much more variable than in a two party system. Hence the design of the Opinion Poll needs to take into account all the special features of the election that it intends to predict.
Another important requirement of theOpinion Poll is to mark the swing zones# in each district and projection should be done along that swing zones using the data collected. In the parliamentary elections, Kerala as a whole can be taken as homogeneous swing zone but for the assembly election it differs regionally. Even if the elections to assembly and parliament are taking place simultaneously the swing pattern might differ.
Now a new branch of election studies Psephology4 has become very popular especially through television and other media. Psephology derives from classical Greek Psephos, the piece of potteries on which certain votes, mainly about the banishment of those seen as dangerous to state were inscribed. The scientific study of election and forecast – the modern Psephology recently attained a respectable place in social science in its more than six decades of research experience.
From 1930’s on, the spread of Opinion Polls conducted by both commercial and academic practitioners continue at an accelerated pace worldwide. In the recently held American Presidential elections, the same drama that emerged during the counting was foreseen by a number of campaign tracking Opinion Polls include the Gallup . The Labor electoral victory in Britain (1996), Socialist’s gain in Poland (1997) and the ANC’s landslide second win in South Africa (1999) were predicted accurately by Opinion Polls. A hung parliament after the 1996 general elections in India with regional parties holding the key and the BJP as the emerging force in the subsequent elections of ‘98 and ‘99 were predicted by many leading Poll agencies
In India, many Poll organisations now engage in Opinion Polls on important national and international topics. Some agencies in India are working for election surveys and marketing research from the early 1980’s. Of them, CSDS, MODE, MARG are the leading ones.
Now opinion polling has become integral part of modern democracy. Hence media began to provide more space and time to Polls. Regardless of their accuracy in predictions the Opinion Polls serve a purpose of identifying a trend, mood of the voters and their likely behavior. An Opinion Poll reveals the mood of the electorates only at the time of administering the survey.
Some people believe that the Opinion Polls can influence pubic opinion. the Do Opinion Polls actually influence voters?The simplest answer to this question is that if Polls had no significant influence on voters, it is not necessary for the Opinion Polls to be correct. But in many elections, they have been remarkably accurate but also failed sometimes. This itself is a proof that there is no consistent, significant, influence of Opinion Polls on voters.
However it is said that Opinion Polls might influence people in three ways. The first argument is that voters are likely to support whomever the Polls show to be in the lead, so that they have the satisfaction of voting for the winning side. This is known as the ‘bandwagon effect’, as people jump on the bandwagon of the leading party. However, it is also possible that people will react against the party in front, particularly if they are along way in a big lead as they do not wish to see a government with a very large majority. This is called a backlash effect. The final theory has the same effect as the second, as the entire opposite of the bandwagon effect, but for different reasons. This theory argues that people are inclined to support whomever is trailing – an underdog effect, much as is often seen in the field of sports.
The recent civic elections in Kerala that held in two phases with substantial gap, show that even the actual election results of one region hardly had any effect on the other region that go to poll later. If knowing the result merely of an Opinion Poll had an effect on people’s voting behaviour, then one would expect knowing the result of the actual election should have an even grater effect.
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1 eci website
# Kala kaumudi,a news weekly in Malayalam publishing by rhe Kerala Kaumudi Group of publications,Trivandrum commissioned an NGO, Progressive Artists and Scientists’ Center(PASC) to conduct a Public Opinion Survey during the 1987 Assembly elections.
2Two surveys were conducted. The first one became irrelevant since the election was postponed due the assassination of Rajeev Gandhi.
3 Many media organizations happened to have this mistake by selecting samples from their readers. That will never represent the entire population.
# Constituencies that have same number of votes changed one party to another in successive elections.
4 Dr. David Butler and Dr. Prannoy Roy have popularised the discipline in India.

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Will &Verdict
of Political Kerala
-SAJO
Kerala celebrates elections.
A festive ambience adorns public places. People seem more communicative. Even strangers discuss poll trends during travels.
Elections are joyous and serious in Kerala. Like her land, language, and living the legislative of Kerala is distinct. Like her evergreen land is visibly separated from the rest of India by high range mountains, like her home speaking language, Malayalam which is the most flexible among Indian languages - based on which the state now geo-politically identifies, and like her people’s high living standards, the legislative of Kerala that is pivot of her politics is unique. It has an illustrious past. The present legislative is a culmination of three courses of development in the three regions of the state -Thiruvithamcoore·, Kochi and Malabar. Among these Thiruvithamcoor was the earliest among the Indian states to establish a Legislative Council, way back in nineteenth century.
In a way, Kerala’s unique pattern of political development is as much a product of its history as it is of its geography. With a totally literate population she has the most democratic society among the Indian states. Kerala is the first state in India that introduced universal adult franchise in the very first election in 1948. She is the first state in the World that elected a communist government into power, apart a tiny principality, San Marino of Italy. All the social institutions as schools, universities, co-operative establishments, political parties, trade unions, cultural organisations, civic bodies and legislative house conduct elections to recruit the office bearers.
Kerala has attained this high-ranking political literacy through the consistent struggles for dignity, freedom, franchise and other rights by her people over the past many centuries. Now, as in other major social democracies, elections have become central to her politics. These involve most of the adults, with equal participation of women and men. One traditional democratic view is here as elsewhere in the world that, elections give ultimate power to people. Cynicism also exists here that it simply enchants voter a choice among the competing elites. Both perspectives persist. Fact remains that, it is the elections that all participate and choose their representatives. Everyone respects the will of the majority that comes out as verdict and greets winners to set the next agenda and govern.
Undeniably, general elections to the State Legislative Assembly are very important social events. Polling turn out in Kerala is the highest in India and is not less than that in Britain. Even though Kerala has the largest number of political parties contesting elections, all these parties forge alliances resulting in a two party situation. In all the eleven elections held since the formation of the state,(except the third)either of the two major coalition fronts had got mandate to form a government.
During the election days, hectic political activities as deliberations, discussions, debates, canvassing and campaigns are all around. Host of many factors as affiliations, commitments, issues, trends, kinships, charismatic images all jointly or separately crystallise into a decision-making. No one votes casually. It’s a serious affair.
To understand any election it is necessary to set it against the past. The organised presentation of election data in this volume intends to provide electoral geography of Kerala till present. Political behaviour usually follows consistent rules, but not always. Correlations using statistical tools need not necessarily be the exact explanations. There exist sensitive human realities behind the figures and also the complexities of political relation between the voter and the voted. It may be as complex as human existence and essence depicted by ancient Indian writers as follows:‘Fetch mea fruit of the banyan tree’
‘Here is one sir’
‘Break it’
‘I have broken it, sir’
‘What do you see’?
‘Very tiny seeds, sir’
‘Break one’
‘I have broken it, sir’
‘What do you see now’?
‘Nothing sir’
‘My son’ the father said, ‘what you do not perceive is the essence, and in that essence the mighty banyan tree exists. Believe me my son, in that essence is the self. That is the tree that is the self.’ Chhandogya Upanishad, vol.13, trans, A.L.Basham, The wonder that was India (pp 250-51)
Election figures contain a lot of latent information, like those sleeping banyan trees inside the seeds. These figures are unique political decisions of people in certain historical time spots. This is history depicted by the people of an entire state. This book is essentially a story on votes and voting behaviours of the people living in a geographically defined territory.
Election figures of Kerala from the very beginning of elections in the state is sorted and classified. Sorting winners and losers apart, the election figures may contain their specific meanings that can be attributed only by the reader. This volume covering the entire election history of Kerala, intends to provide the general public some basic facts and figures that would act as a foundation for their democratic participation.This could be viewed as a sequel to the INDIA DECIDES,1 an election compendium by the celebrated psephologists, David Butler, Asok Lahiri and Prannoy Roy. Other works, which were much helpful to acquire rudiments of election analyses are: Elections and Voting Behaviour in Britain by David Denver, Geography of Elections by R.D.Dixit, Communism In Kerala by T.J.Nossiter and Kerala Society and Politics by E.M.S.Namboothiripad. Other books, documents and websites referred to are listed in the Bibliography
· Also known as Travancore which was the erstwhile princely state
in the South West coast of Indian Penninsula.
1.The authors have suggested for asilar compendium at the state level